I
cannot stand suffering. Vegetarianism is my way of saying: “no!”
We are what we eat. And spirituality, within or without a religious
frame, begins on the plate. My husband, my children, my friends eat
meat, and I have never attempted to convince them not to, because it
is a personal decision, a self-sacrifice not everyone is able to
accept.”4
- “I'm
a good person too!” (or
in the same self-pitying vein:
“Anyway, I don't eat that meat all that often”).
L'Elfe,
a French blogger, describes this objection:
“How
many people have made my ears bleed with how good, how gentle, how
non-evil they are, how they love animals or how responsibly they act…
without ever realising to what stratospheric extent I don't give a
damn. All their demonstrations achieve is to make me sorry they feel
judged by my behaviour, which is light years away from my intent.”5
Though
that may not be the intent, this is how people interpret the “go
vegan” rhetoric. Again, such objections would be devoid of meaning
in response to a demand for justice.
- “Vegetarianism
is a kind of religion”,
“Vegetarians
form a cult”
And
indeed, religious morals are a type of virtue ethics, and to the
layman an appeal to virtue, especially of the vegan variety, seems to
consist of a list of food prohibitions (not to say taboos). Here is
how a doctor involved in the promotion of veganism presents it:
“Being
vegan means not only consuming no animal flesh, therefore no red
meat, no white meat, and no fish; but also no product derived from
animals. Vegans do not eat milk, eggs, nor any product derived from
milk or eggs. Consequently, vegans do not eat cheese. In sum,
vegetarians eat no animal flesh, vegans no animal
products.”
The
similarity with religious prohibitions is transparent (the quote is
mine):
A
practicing Jew does not consume any product that is not kosher, that
is to say, any product that has not been officially approved by
religious authorities. Being Jewish means to consume only those
mammals which have cloven hooves (therefore no pork or ham, no
rabbit, no camel etc). Birds are permitted with the exception of the
24 impure species (Lv 11:13-19 and Dt 14:12-18). Of the aquatic
animals, only those with scales and fins are permitted; thus a Jew
does not eat crustaceans, shellfish and other seafood. Other animals
are forbidden. Products of the earth are permitted save for fruits of
a tree under 3 years old. The milk of pure animals is permitted, but
a Jew does not mix dairy and meat in the course of one meal. And so
on and so forth.
A
few more regular reactions:
- “Vegans
think themselves superior to meat-eaters!”
- “Vegetarians
look cheerless” (translation:
not such a great personal development programme after all)
- “Everyone
is entitled to their opinion. You're free to be a vegetarian, so let
me eat meat.”
In
the same spirit, vegetarianists themselves describe vegetarianism as
a “lifestyle”. A lifestyle is not dictated by a demand for
justice, nor even by universalist morals; it is a matter of
personality. For the more morally or philosophically-inclined, it
follows from virtue ethics, and for most people it is simply a matter
of convention, personal habit or family or social tradition. Besides,
vegetarianist literature is teeming with phrases typical of virtue
ethics: “cruelty-free lifestyle”, “choosing without cruelty”,
“compassionate lifestyle”, “veganism: the compassionate way”…
2.2
Presuppositions of this strategy
Here
we are interested with what this strategy presupposes when deployed
by persons motivated by universalist ethics. When a vegetarian
grounds their vegetarianism in virtue ethics, it is perfectly logical
that they should appeal to virtue.
2.2.1
On any given issue, people have convictions and act in accordance
with their convictions
Proponents
of vegan education believe it is necessary to act on the deep-rooted
beliefs of each person. An instance:
“Veganism
is a collective movement, but adopting such a lifestyle is up to each
individual as a result of reflexions that they must develop for
themselves.”6
The
theme of personal reflexion appears frequently in vegetarianist
texts7.
Typically they don't end with a prescription, be it a demand for
justice (“meat must be abolished!”, “We demand that
slaughterhouses be closed down!”) or a clear appeal to virtue (“you
must stop eating animals!”). Arguments are given and the conclusion
left open, the reader being free to reach the same conclusion as you
(or not). Here is how the French Vegetarian Association (AVF)
website's ethics
section
ends:
“Even
if animal suffering were reduced to a single second (which is
unthinkable in intensive farming), is taking the life of an animal
when there is no need to (see our health page) a rightful action? It
is a question to which there exist as many answers as persons on
Earth (sic).”
I
believe the stylistic figure (the hyperbole stating that there are
billions of possible conclusions) is symptomatic of a conspicuous
determination not to answer the question we've had the gall to spell
out. It is a colourful way of saying: “everyone's entitled to their
opinion”.
Another
instance of vegan education:
“You
mustn't tell people to become vegan, but rather suggest the idea to
them. Unless they ask you to, you mustn't expose them to pictures of
dead animals either, because whether you want it or not, it is an
aggression and tends to make them feel guilty, and then sometimes
they already do.”8
People
should make up their own mind and act accordingly, we are told.
However, when people are asked why they eat meat, most of them find
the question surprising (we are not accustomed to have to justify a
default choice). The most frequent answer is “because I've always
eaten meat”, followed by “because it would be too complicated to
be a vegetarian” (i.e. restaurants and shops have a limited
vegetarian offer), “because I can't be bothered” (i.e. I have
meat-eating habits and it would cost me some effort to change),
“because I like meat”9.
No personal belief in these answers, no ideology, only the weight of
habit and peer pressure10.
Consider
the example of homophobia. Its decrease in the last few decades in
the West didn't come about because everyone did, in their heart and
mind, understand the falsehood of naturalist sophisms, or the vacuity
of the concept of victimless crime11,
but because homophobia decreased in society at large and homophobic
talk had become socially fraught (even punishable in France since
2005).
This
is because, on a given issue, most people do not have what we call a
personal opinion. They do or think what their peers do and think.
Besides one may hold a belief yet not apply it (Reus, 2010):
“Studies
regularly report that a significant (and increasing) part of the
population condemns harm done to animals, though they validate it by
their mode of consumption. Here are 3 examples in the French context:
According
to a poll conducted in November 2009, 82% of respondents said they
would eat foie gras at their Christmas dinner. Another poll,
conducted the same month, indicated that 63% considered that geese
and ducks suffered from being force-fed, and 44% were in favour of
outlawing force-feeding.
In
January 2000, a poll was conducted on egg consumers with an aim to
evaluate their perception of egg-laying hens in battery cages. An
overwhelming majority (over 80%) declared themselves to be in
agreement with sentences describing this type of rearing in a very
negative light. To the question “in the future, would you support a
ban on the rearing of egg-laying hens in battery cages, authorising
only open-air rearing, considering that such a measure would lead to
an increase in the price of eggs?” 86% of those polled responded
“yes”. Finally, 70% declared “animal well-being” to be a
“very important” factor when shopping for eggs. At the time of
the poll, however, 90% of eggs sold in France came from battery-cage
farms.12”
Similarly,
among supporters of organic agriculture and fair trade, how many
completely avoid conventional products?
2.2.2.
Postulate: people act on the basis of individual beliefs
In
some cases, we do act on the basis of our beliefs (I think it is
raining, therefore I take an umbrella); in other cases, we pick and
choose our beliefs to suit our actions.
The
case of meat-eating typically belongs to the second category. We eat
meat first, and only later, possibly, we make up our mind on the
topic.
We
can even act without being motivated by particular beliefs, in a
routine, automatic way. Such is the case, partly at least, for meat.
People eat meat because everyone around them does, and they
themselves always did. In other words, each individual does x
because
everyone else (as well as oneself) does x.
2.2.3
Corollary: most meat-eaters support slaughterhouses
The
conversion strategy is founded on the hypothesis, which is a
corollary of the previous one, that (almost) every meat-eater
supports slaughterhouses, either because they are speciesists to the
core, or because they refuse to get informed so as not to become
disgusted with animal products. From that perspective, convincing the
public is synonymous with turning the public vegetarian (or better
still, vegan).
Dan
Cudahy (2008) writes:
“As
Professor Francione clearly and explicitly admits in Rain
Without Thunder,
the five criteria [that define the so-called abolitionist reform]
narrow down acceptable industrial practice reforms to changes so
devastating for the industry (e.g., ones that would result in the
elimination of an essential aspect such as “killing animals for
food”) that such changes would stand no chance of being adopted in
today's speciesist society. Only
a society with a politically viable vegan population would accept
such revolutionary changes.”
What an odd
argument. How is convincing the population to become vegan easier
than convincing them that (for instance) meat must be abolished, or
that boycotting the products of the rearing and slaughtering
industries is morally right on principle? This is only sensible on
the postulate that every meat-eater supports slaughterhouses (and
that at the same time every one that opposes slaughterhouses is
vegan).
Available
studies demonstrate the inaccuracy of the above. See Reus and Dupont
(2012a and 2012b) for a complete review. Here are two examples.
A study
conducted by Cazes-Villette (2004) on the French consumer's
relationship to meat revealed that:
- 14%
of respondents disagreed with the statement: “It
is normal for humans to raise animals for their meat”;
-
39%
disapproved of “animals being killed as a result of fishing
practices”;
-
58,8%
disapproved of “animals being killed as a result of hunting
practices”;
Yet only 1,2%
of respondents were vegetarian.
A study
conducted in the United States showed that in 2011, when respondents
were confronted with the statement: “If farm animals are treated
decently and humanely, I have no problem with the consumption of
meat, milk and eggs”,
-
51% of
Americans expressed a high level of agreement (level 8 to 10);
-
42% a moderate
level (level 4 to 7);
-
7% a low level
(level 0 to 3).
Those who
strongly agreed made up 63% in 2007 and 54% of respondents in 2010.
2.2.4
Corollary: a certain number of people must be converted to
vegetarianism before a public debate on meat abolition can be
launched
This is logical
indeed, if one thinks that people act in accordance with their
beliefs, and that a majority of meat-eaters therefore support
slaughterhouses and would change their mind only after a deep and
personal reflection.
An
illustration:
“You
think it's possible to abolish meat when 98% of the people still eat
meat? Again, if 98% of the people smoked and thought it perfectly
normal to asphyxiate those around them with their smoke, it would
have been simply impossible to enact a law against smoking in public
areas. You can't just make laws without changing mentalities. It
doesn't mean that everyone must agree with a law before it can be
passed. But believing that a vegetarian 2% could abolish meat is pure
wishful thinking.13”
This comment
also implies something else: that an appeal to virtue stands a better
chance of turning someone vegetarian than a demand for justice would.
I believe this to be wrong, considering the implications of an appeal
to virtue (see part 1).
Though it is
difficult to extrapolate from an example, India, where over a third
of the population is vegetarian, doesn't seem to support the idea
that a large vegetarian population automatically favours or engenders
a public debate on the legitimacy of meat.
2.2.5
An individualistic sociological conception
Since an
increase in the number of vegetarian individuals produces a decrease
in the demand for animal products and as a result, a decrease in
their supply, increasing the number of vegetarians is seen as the
most efficient means of weakening the meat industry.
“The
almost limitless political and economic power that the meat and
husbandry industry has over animals is driven entirely by consumers,
individually or collectively, who condone, solicit and fund these
industries, and are ultimately responsible for its existence and
unfettered might.”
In my opinion,
this notion follows from reductive sociological preconceptions.
All
individuals are socially equal.
This is blatantly not the case. Some persons clearly hold more power
than others in this or that field. The president of the government's
dietary advisory board, the executive in charge of Wal-Mart's supply
policy, and journalists all have much more swaying power than the man
in the street.
Demand
determines supply.
Certainly, but the reverse is no less true. I am not only referring
to advertising. Many studies in behaviour economics show that the
ready availability of products largely shapes consumers' desires. The
mere display of dishes on a buffet alters patrons' choices14.
People eat meat because it is the default option, because it is found
everywhere.
The example of
Australia’s firearm legislation illustrates the influence supply
can exert on demand. The firearm pressure group claims that gunshot
murders are not caused by firearms but by some individuals' will to
kill others. Those whose urge to kill is strong enough for them to
act it out would have no trouble finding guns on the black market or
using different weapons. Therefore, laws limiting ownership of
firearms not only wouldn't hinder murder, but would also deprive
potential assault victims of a means to deter their assailants or
defend themselves in case of assault, and thus would cause an
increase in homicide rates. But in fact, after the 1996 reform
(setting drastic restrictions on gun sales and instating a buy-back
programme for weapons in circulation), mass shootings stopped.
Firearm homicides decreased at twice the pre-reform rate. In a mere
10 years, firearm homicides dropped by 60%, while firearm suicides
dropped by 65%. The overall suicide rate dropped from 23.6 to 14.9
per 100,000 inhabitants15;
the overall homicide rate, from 1.9 to 1.316.
There was no statistically detectable substitution effect (to bladed
weapons, for instance). It thus appears that the availability of
firearms really does increase the desire to use them.
The
end-buyer determines overall demand. Things
are far from being that simple. It is also true that people buy what
they find on the shelves. According to the data discussed above, in
France 4 out of 5 respondents claim to oppose battery-cage farming;
yet 4 out of 5 buy eggs produced in that type of farm, either because
they shop without paying attention, because they give in to the
temptation of lower prices, or because there are no more “free-range”
eggs on the shelves. Besides, almost half the eggs are consumed
indirectly as ingredients in TV-dinners, pastries, biscuits, in
restaurants, hotels, cafeterias…
Those
sensitive to the cause of animal rights who still eat animals do so
because of psychological blocks.
Oddly, that idea may coexist with the idea that speciesism is
ubiquitous. This is notably so among Francionians: they claim that
99% of the population supports exploitation, is speciesist to the
core, and yet simultaneously that a large percentage are nonetheless
uneasy with exploitation. This is why Francione repeats to anyone
willing to listen “if you agree with the statement 'making animals
suffer uselessly is wrong', give me 15 minutes and I'll make you a
vegan”17.
Consequently
the solution is to get around these blocks by various methods: water
down the message, use indirect arguments first, approach the problem
from a marketing and psychological point of view. We now turn to
these methods.
3.
Consequences of the strategy of demand reduction by consumer
education
These presuppositions
entail several consequences for the activists' behaviour and
thinking.
3.1.
The “Jehovah’s Witness” method
This method consists in
approaching one person at a time to convert them little by little.
The basic idea that people eat meat out of personal conviction takes
no account of the social determinations of meat consumption.
The “Jehovah’s
Witness” method has a curious consequence: in response to the
average person's “block”, vegetarianists18
water down their message by various means: they use indirect
arguments, don’t call a spade a spade ( i.e., don’t say that to
kill animals is immoral, refrain from talking about murder…). The
trouble is that by insisting on making the message acceptable to the
ears of people who wouldn't go vegetarian on their own, or might only
become weekend flexitarians, you alienate those sensitive to the
animal cause. And indeed surely within the frame of an appeal to
virtue, the next cohorts of vegetarians will not come out of the
ranks of hunting aficionados or butchers, but from the 14% of the
population who are uneasy with animal murder. If you are going to
promote vegetarianism, wouldn't it make more sense to target them and
tune out the jeers and sneers of the other 86%19?
3.2.
The place of marketing
3.2.1.
Flesh is weak
Virtue
ethicists and those universalists who had the unfortunate idea of
grounding their message on an appeal to virtue are forced to conclude
with bitterness that humans do not live up to the morals they
designed for them. Viz., people are not massively going vegan.
This is when
they start to invoke some egoistic enticements. Religions promise
salvation (or getting reincarnated as a brahmin), proponents of
organic agriculture protection against cancer, and vegetarianists
firm erections and clean arteries.
In this spirit,
PETA launched several campaigns under the motto: “Vegetarians have
better sex”. It featured video ads associating scantily-clad women
and green vegetables, or street actions centred on (again,
scantily-clad) couples kissing each other20.
3.2.2.
Indirect arguments
Sexual prowess
is only one of several indirect arguments being used. “Indirect
arguments” are those other than ethical arguments. The idea being
that, since the goal is to increase the number of vegetarian
consumers, any argument goes. But indirect arguments have a major
shortcoming: they are not obligatory, that is, they do not imply
completely giving up meat, much less animal products, and still less
closing up slaughterhouses and dismantling the meat industry. For
surely a plate of free range chicken and a slice of organic ham a
week will not make anyone sick21
or wreck the planet22,
nor will a bit of parmesan in the spaghetti or a salmon steak now and
then. And besides, good health and spiritual progress fall under
personal choice, not moral obligation. When presented on the same
level as ethical arguments, indirect arguments therefore compound the
misconception that vegetarianism is supererogatory.
As a result,
vegetarians who hope to sound more consensual by putting forth
indirect arguments paradoxically come across as extremists since,
while their arguments show it to be a good thing to reduce one's
consumption of animal flesh, they get rid of it altogether. Some of
these hardliners even go vegan.
Third, indirect
arguments somewhat blur the general message, as an AVF leader notes:
“Now
it may be that faced with such a conjunction of reflexions – of
reasons, really, some people feel a little lost, and don't know which
way to go, which arguments to accept and which ones they should set
aside to maybe pick up a bit later.23”
3.2.3.
Only proposing
An activist who
managed to counter the adverse implications of the appeal to virtue,
i.e. made people understand that his appeal to virtue is neither
supererogatory nor utopian, and that the alternative (to eat animals)
is not legitimate but criminal, would be perceived as fundamentally
aggressive. Since appealing to virtue is based on the belief that
evil stems from the heart of people, such an appeal would imply that
people are bastardsvillains. A demand for justice, on the other hand,
makes demands on society, not particular individuals.
To avoid this
pitfall, vegetarianists take great pains to avoid seeming to “impose”
anything, to avoid appearing as though they are pressuring anyone
into doing anything (see section 2.1.1). They claim all they do is
propose a lifestyle. I'm not forcing you, only showing you that it
can be done, and the rest is up to you. An already-quoted example:
“You
mustn't tell people to become vegan, but rather suggest them the idea
to them. Unless they ask you to, yYou mustn't expose them to pictures
of dead animals either, without their consent because, whether you
want it or not, it is an aggression and tends to make them feel
guilty, when and then sometimes they already do.” “You mustn't
tell people to become vegan but rather suggest them the idea. You
mustn't expose them to pictures of dead animals without their consent
because, whether you want it or not, it is an aggression and tends to
make them feel guilty, when they already do.”This only reinforces,
to my mind, the supererogatory aspect of vegetarianism and veganism
in the eyes of the public.
3.2.4
Being a representative
Vegetarianist
literature tells activists that they publicly represent vegetarians.
As a consequence, they should make people want to become one. They
are advised, as much as possible, to be young, attractive, healthy,
athletic, to smile, have white teeth, to appear friendly. Part of
this is common-sense, while the rest is good for PR reps, not
activists.
In the same
vein, anyone who cares to listen will be told that vegetarians' IQ is
higher than that of the average population and that their ranks
include a certain number of glamourous celebrities (hence the poster:
“They are famous [photos of singers], they are beautiful [photos of
top fashion models], they are intelligent [pictures of da Vinci,
Tolstoi and Einstein], they are athletic [photos of athletes], they
are vegan.”)
At the same
time, it is understood that such controversial personalities –
regardless of why they may be considered controversial – as Peter
Singer or Brigitte Bardot24
are to be disavowed, as their presence in the animal rights movement
is considered unbecoming.
In this way,
vegetarian groups resemble service clubs more than political
movements or NGOs…
3.3
An emphasis on psychological causes
As vegetarianists work on
the individual scale, they tend to focus on the psychological roots
of meat consumption. Why does this person, who is standing in front
of me, refuse to go vegetarian? How can I reassure her, convince her,
address her concerns? How can I do it so she doesn't feel attacked?
How can I prove that vegetarian food is delicious? Hence the food
tastings, the cooking workshops and other such friendly events25.
Focusing on psychological
causes results in neglecting the social causes determining the
consumption of meat (and other animal products). Notable among there
are: legislation26,
farm subsidies, the availability of food products on the market27,
restaurant menus, dishes served in school canteens, vegephobia,
intense propaganda from pressure groups funded by husbandry and
fishing industries, family pressure, pressure from health-service
professionals, institutional diffusion of speciesism to children –
from animal books in day-care, through biology classes in middle
school, to philosophy classes in high school.
A parallel is often drawn
between patriarchy and carnism. It is in fact remarkable that, for
thinkers and militants working with these concepts, patriarchy
belongs to sociology while carnism belongs to psychology.
Patriarchy:
“A
form of social and legal organisation resting on men's possession of
authority.”
(Bonte, 1991)
Carnism:
“Carnism
is the invisible belief system, or ideology, that conditions people
to eat certain animals.”28
(carnism.org, 2014)
Similarly, although the
animal liberation movement has existed for about forty years, the
concept of vegephobia – a social barrier to vegetarianism – was
only recently developed.
Many vegetarians insist
that being vegetarian is easy, and that meat-eaters simply don't
realise just how easy it is (given a period of adjustment and the
acquisition of dietary and culinary know-how). I believe, on the
contrary, that meat-eaters are very much aware of the social
difficulties that vegetarianism entails, and that these difficulties
deter them. Most people turn pale at the very idea of arguing in
public, of having to face the opposition or hostility of an entire
group of people. Many people are inconsistent and are not able to
resist the temptation of meat, which is ubiquitous in our society.
Many don't know any vegetarian in their social circle and are afraid
of isolation. In the words of Martin Balluch, humans are social
rather than rational animals.
3.4
The emphasis on behaviour
Another perverse effect
of the veganist strategy is that the media describes those opposing
animal exploitation as vegans (rather than as antispeciesists,
sentientists, animal rights activists, equalitarians, opponents of
such and such a practice, and so on). The emphasis is laid on their
behaviour rather than their ideas. A tedious list of prohibitions, up
to and including the weirdest, usually follows – in lieu of moral
arguments.
In
2003, the French daily Libération
wrote
a piece about the third Veggie Pride. About 70% of the article is
dedicated to the difficulties of the vegan lifestyle (which is
described as an obsessive ordeal) and to endless lists of authorised
and prohibited articles, down to the minutest latex condom additive.
The ambiguity surrounding
mother’s milk is an illustration of how the public views veganism
primarily as a list of prohibitions rather than a moral position.
Some wonder whether vegans oppose breastfeeding29.
The idea is completely preposterous, but it shows that some persons
have registered “vegans do not drink milk” or “vegans do not
consume any animal product”, rather than “vegans are against calf
murder and industrial cow milking methods, including their slaughter
when their productivity decreases”.
3.5
Reduction to homo economicus